***************************************************************************** * T A Y L O R O L O G Y * * A Continuing Exploration of the Life and Death of William Desmond Taylor * * * * Issue 65 -- May 1998 Editor: Bruce Long bruce@asu.edu * * TAYLOROLOGY may be freely distributed * ***************************************************************************** CONTENTS OF THIS ISSUE: 175 Errors and Contradictions in "A Cast of Killers" ***************************************************************************** What is TAYLOROLOGY? TAYLOROLOGY is a newsletter focusing on the life and death of William Desmond Taylor, a top Paramount film director in early Hollywood who was shot to death on February 1, 1922. His unsolved murder was one of Hollywood's major scandals. This newsletter will deal with: (a) The facts of Taylor's life; (b) The facts and rumors of Taylor's murder; (c) The impact of the Taylor murder on Hollywood and the nation; (d) Taylor's associates and the Hollywood silent film industry in which Taylor worked. Primary emphasis will be given toward reprinting, referencing and analyzing source material, and sifting it for accuracy. ***************************************************************************** Another Mary Miles Minter film, "The Ghost of Rosy Taylor," is now available from Grapevine Video, their third Minter offering on home video. ***************************************************************************** A new $25,000 reward has been offered by the NATIONAL ENQUIRER for information leading to the arrest and conviction of William Desmond Taylor's killer. The March 3, 1998 issue included an error-filled segment on the Taylor case in a section of "Unsolved Hollywood Mysteries," aptly calling the murder "Hollywood's most baffling mystery," and the reward was offered for any of the cases mentioned there. Also, the "E!" cable channel has a new series on "Mysteries and Scandals," with one episode examining the Taylor case. ***************************************************************************** ***************************************************************************** 2008 NOTE: The following article pertains to the 1986 edition of "A Cast of Killers." The author has subsequently corrected or addressed errors and omissions that have been brought to his attention, and the reader is encouraged to consult the 20th Anniversary edition. 175 Errors and Contradictions in "A Cast of Killers" The first book-length examination of the William Desmond Taylor murder was A CAST OF KILLERS by Sidney D. Kirkpatrick (Dutton, 1986), based largely upon material gathered by noted film director King Vidor. That book was entertainingly written, very popular and it introduced many people to the Taylor case for the first time, presenting "proof" of the commonly-held viewpoint that Charlotte Shelby murdered Taylor. We have commented at length on Kirkpatrick's book in WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER (Scarecrow Press, 1991); however we feel it is time for an updated re-examination, particularly since many more errors in A CAST OF KILLERS have come to our attention, and many of our cited references have been reprinted in previous issues of TAYLOROLOGY. Kirkpatrick was fortunate to have obtained a copy of the police file on the case, though only a very small portion of that material found its way into his book. It is that material from the police file which makes Kirkpatrick's book valuable for those interested in the Taylor case. A CAST OF KILLERS makes constant reference to press reports but specific references are rarely cited. There is an enormous difference between press reports published immediately after the murder and the reports published much later. Right from the beginning there were inaccuracies in the press coverage of the case, and those inaccuracies tended to multiply as time passed. A CAST OF KILLERS contains a very substantial amount of material which appears to be inaccurate, is strongly contradicted elsewhere, or is not logical. The numbers in parentheses indicate the page numbers in A CAST OF KILLERS where the items are found; the numbers in brackets cite sources in endnotes, at the end of this newsletter. Some of the errors are found in interviews in the book and are not directly stated by Vidor/Kirkpatrick. In the analysis below, "official statement" refers to the statements taken by the District Attorney's office in 1922 and reprinted in KING OF COMEDY.[1] This list refers to the hardcover edition; a few errors in A CAST OF KILLERS were corrected in the subsequent paperback editions. #1. (3) No early press reports made any mention of a fireplace--much less that letters were being burned there. Diagrams and photos of the murder scene were published in several newspapers--there was no fireplace in Taylor's home. Tales of the fireplace came many years later, in fanciful and highly unreliable accounts. #2. (3) No early press reports stated that Peavey was washing dishes when the police arrived. Indeed, the statement makes no sense--what dishes could Peavey possibly have been washing? He had finished washing the supper dishes before departing the previous evening. The only unwashed items were the two cocktail glasses and shaker used by Mabel Normand and Taylor, and those items were still unwashed on the serving tray when reporters arrived later, as they were mentioned and photographed. #3. (6) The theory that the killer "entered through the den, then shot Taylor in the back and left by the front door" makes no sense. What "den"? Taylor's home had two doors, a front door and a kitchen door, which Peavey had locked before leaving. The ground floor of Taylor's home only had a kitchen, dining room, and living room. There was no "den." #4. (7) No early press reports indicated any pornographic pictures of Taylor and famous actresses had been found. All such reports came much later and were evidently magnified from the following press item reporting the estate sale of Taylor: District Attorney Woolwine yesterday...withheld from sale a number of pictures among the effects of William D. Taylor, murdered film director...There were some of young women in "art poses," the kind that Boston frowns upon. Some were exceedingly daring.[2] #5. (7) No early press reports told of a secret locked closet with a collection of women's lingerie, tagged with initials and dated. Again, all such tales came many years later, in highly unreliable accounts. #6. (6, 169, etc.) Although there were some early press reports implying that a nightgown had been found with the initials "M.M.M.", the cumulative press evidence indicates that a nightgown did exist and had been the property of Taylor for some time before the murder[3]--but there is strong reason to doubt the existence of any initials on the nightgown: Herman Cline, former chief of detectives, who was one of the original investigators, recalled having found a garment "resembling a nightgown" in the Taylor apartment. "But I am positive there were no initials on it," he declared... "I was working on the case with Detective Ziegler," he said, "and the day following the murder we found a filmy flesh-colored gown in a dresser drawer in Taylor's bedroom. We also found several handkerchiefs bearing the initials M.M.M. "We took the gown, handkerchiefs and a package of letters to the office of the late Thomas Lee Woolwine, then District Attorney, and turned them over to him. "At the time I recall Woolwine as saying, 'I don't know how the gown will fit into the picture, as we cannot identify its owner. There isn't even a laundry mark on it.' " Cline added that he had no idea what had become of the exhibit.[4] And even Hearst's L.A. EXAMINER reported in 1922: Little importance was attached to the pink silk nightgown found in the director's apartments. This, it was learned, had been laundered only once or twice and bore no initials or other marks by which its ownership might be determined.[5] #7. (7) No early press reports indicated Taylor visited Berger on the morning before the murder. All early press reports only mention an afternoon visit and a telephone call. #8. (7, 26, etc.) Some early press reports did indicate a substantial sum of money had been withdrawn by Taylor and then re-deposited. However, these press reports were soon retracted and an authoritative statement was made that no money had been withdrawn for several weeks prior to the murder. ...The fact that no deposit was made late that day [the day of Taylor's murder] was confirmed by W. T. S. Hammond, cashier of the First National Bank, who testified that some time during the morning Taylor deposited $2300. ...At the same time it was definitely learned that the director did not draw $2500 from the bank on the day preceding the murder, or at any other time within several weeks previous to his death.[6] #9. (8) The description Taylor's sister-in-law gave of her husband did not "fit uncannily that of Edward Sands." There was a drastic difference in age and physical appearance: Mrs. Deane-Tanner, when shown a photograph of Sands at her Monrovia home, pointed out points of dissimilarity... Sands is short and stocky, with plump, round face. Dennis Deane- Tanner was slender like his brother...Besides, Mrs. Deane-Tanner explained, her husband's nose had been broken in athletics, which gave him a noticeable mark.[7] #10. (8) The book states that Edward Sands had been fired by Taylor for stealing jewelry and forging checks. No, Sands was not "fired" by Taylor. Taylor had gone on vacation to Europe while Sands had remained to take care of Taylor's home; Sands stole from Taylor and fled before Taylor returned.[8] #11. (19) Taylor had indeed been sent to Runnymede, near Harper, Kansas, but his younger brother Denis had not. #12. (19, etc.) The name of Denis (not Dennis) is misspelled throughout the book. #13. (19) When Denis Deane-Tanner disappeared in 1912, he left behind a wife and TWO children, not one. His daughters were named Muriel and Alice.[9] #14. (20) It is stated that "Captain Kidd, Jr." was a highly regarded film. On the contrary, reviews of the film were decidedly mixed. VARIETY (April 25, 1919) stated "As a whole it is rather a disappointment", and PHOTOPLAY (July 1919) stated "...the play suffers because its director, William D. Taylor, considered it an inconsequential trifle." #15. (20) It is stated that "Judy of Rogue's Harbor" was a highly regarded film. On the contrary, some reviews of that film were scathing. The DRAMATIC MIRROR (March 6, 1920) stated "It is hard to believe that William D. Taylor is responsible for the direction. Most of the time it is merely bad and never does it rise above mediocrity", and HARRISON'S REPORTS (February 17, 1920) stated "This picture should never have been made". #16. (20) Police never made any early claims that Denis Deane-Tanner might have been Sands. #17. (20) It was not in 1917 that Taylor's ex-wife saw him on the screen for the first time since he left her. She stated this took place in 1919.[10] There is very strong evidence that she knew Taylor was in Hollywood by 1915, but kept the information from her daughter.[11] #18. (21) Press reports did indicate that Taylor met with his daughter in New York after his European trip in July 1921, but by July 21st he was already back in Los Angeles, so his meeting with his daughter must have taken a few days earlier than July 21.[12] #19. (22) No early press reports quoted Mrs. MacLean as stating the person she saw "had an effeminate walk." #20. (28) The published coded letters, which Mary Miles Minter later admitted writing, were not signed "Mary." They were unsigned.[13] #21. (29) Mary NEVER claimed to have been at Casa de Margarita on the night of the murder. She ALWAYS said she was at the house on Hobart.[14] #22. (29) None of the early press reports published within four years of the murder raised the question of Shelby's ownership of a gun. In fact it was eight months after the murder before any press report cast even a hint of suspicion in Shelby's direction.[15] Immediately following the murder, the press viewed Mary's involvement with Taylor as casting serious suspicion upon Marshall Neilan and Tommy Dixon, both of whom had dated Mary and were rumored to be jealous.[16] #23. (29, etc.) Police never "granted the entire family complete exoneration from wrongdoing." #24. (31) The most reliable press report indicated Walter Kirby served in the American Army, not the Canadian. It also indicated that the reason why Kirby was released was not because he had an "airtight alibi," but because the farmer could not be positive in his identification. There was also no indication here that Kirby had served under Taylor in the army. This was the only newspaper to directly interview the rancher: "I'd rather see fifty guilty men go free than convict one innocent man, especially when it meant life or death." Andrew Cock, local rancher, today gave this explanation of why he declined positively to identify a man arrested at his insistence at Calexico last Thursday night by Los Angeles detectives working on the William Desmond Taylor murder mystery. Cock and the two detectives, Sergeants Edward King and Jesse A. Winn, of the Los Angeles police department, returned home from the border last night without the prisoner, who was turned over to them in Calexico by Colonel Jose Avila, chief inspector of the Mexican secret service, at Mexicali. The man was freed after four hours of grilling by the detectives and Cock. Because the man, who had previously been arrested in Los Angeles in connection with the same case and released after an investigation, appeared to Cock to be several inches taller than the man "Spike," whom Cock had given a ride between Tustin and Santa Ana on the night before the Taylor murder, the rancher refused to say positively that it was the same man. There was convincing circumstantial evidence that the man, who was described as a former Los Angeles actor and taxicab driver, was the man "Spike" whom Cock had heard make threats against a certain Canadian army captain named "Bill" on the night before Taylor, who was himself said to be a former Canadian [sic] army captain, was slain. Cock himself had pointed the man out on the street in Mexicali as the man sought. But on closer inspection and realizing that the man's life might hang upon his decision, Cock would not make his identification absolute. "They put it up to me," he said today. "They said, 'if you say he is the man, we'll take him with us.' But under the circumstances I couldn't do it." The detectives, King and Winn, after Cook pointed him out on the street, recognized the man as the one whom they had investigated before. After Avila had brought the man across the border into Calexico, they searched his room and found army trousers and leggings which answered in the description of those worn by "Spike" near Santa Ana. They did not find the coat, but did find a sweater coat similar to one worn by "Spike." Also they found a blank .38 caliber revolver cartridge and several loaded shells of the same caliber. "Spike" had dropped a .38 caliber gun when he got out of the car on the night Cock saw him. Taylor, the motion picture director, was killed by a .38 caliber bullet the next day... The man showed a discharge from the United States army to explain the army uniform found in his possession. He had served three days in the army. There was nothing to show that he had been in the Canadian army. Serving further to direct suspicion toward the suspect, as the man Cock had heard utter the veiled threat against the Canadian captain, Cock recalled that "Spike" had asked numerous questions regarding road and stage service between Santa Ana and the border. However, Cock's recollection of "Spike" did not quite fit the new suspect's height, although in particulars the resemblance was convincing. It was difficult to compare his impression of "Spike's" height with that of the suspect because of the fact that "Spike" wore a heavy overcoat, whereas the man in the present instance wore a light suit. Identification was otherwise complicated by the fact that "Spike" wore a several days' growth of beard, whereas the other was smoothly shaven. Cock had estimated "Spike's" age to be between 33 and 36. The other man claimed he was 23. Cock, however, believes that he is older. Had Cock been able to see the "pardner," he could probably have told whether the latter was the same man who was with "Spike" on the ride between Tustin and Santa Ana. "Spike's" partner had a scar over each ear, Cock noticed...[17] #25. (32) The press reports and article by Ed King indicated that it was not "another man named Walter Kirby" who was arrested the same month--it was the same individual as was previously arrested.[18] #26. (32) Otis Hefner's story said nothing about a fight between Taylor and a woman dressed like a man. In his clearly-fabricated story he blamed the killing on Mabel Normand.[19] #27. (33) Peavey did not die in a ghetto in Sacramento. He spent the last year of his life in the Napa State Hospital, where he died.[20] #28. (33) Mabel Normand's reported dying statement "I wonder who killed poor Bill Taylor?" sounds like press fabrication. A month before Mabel's death, during the 1930 flare-up of the case, Julia Benson (Mabel's companion) said: "We have read to her [Mabel]--the nurses and I--but we have not mentioned anything of Mr. Taylor's death to her, and Miss Normand never talks about it."[21] Most of the Los Angeles papers quoted other "last words," for example: ...The last words of the film star whose admirers numbered thousands were a plea. "Don't leave me alone, please," she whispered an hour or so before her death to Mrs. Benson, her secretary and faithful friend for over eight years. "I won't, dear," said Mrs. Benson, gently. From then on Miss Normand sank rapidly. Several times she attempted to speak, but could not...[22] #29. (35) MOVING PICTURE WORLD was not a "fan rag"--it was the most highly respected trade journal in the movie industry. #30. (36) Florence Vidor never acted under William Desmond Taylor's direction. See Taylor's filmography in WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 433-445. #31. (37) The book indicates that King Vidor and Colleen Moore were on location filming "The Sky Pilot" and were trapped in a snowstorm at the time of the Taylor murder. But "The Sky Pilot" was released in May 1921, many months before Taylor was murdered. Press items do indicate King Vidor was snowbound on location at the time of the Taylor murder, but he was with the crew of the film "The Real Adventure" starring his wife Florence Vidor, as indicated in this item published on February 6, 1922: MOVIE COMPANY IS MAROONED Florence Vidor's company left for Bear valley last week, arrived O.K.--and stuck. At last accounts it was marooned in the middle of a trackless snow desert hid up in the mountains. Its whereabouts were learned at the nearest point of approach by signal fires which were made, and General Manager Gus Inglis left with a dog team and all the snowshoes that could be gathered together. As it is impossible to reach the party otherwise the snowshoes will be dropped from an airplane...In the marooned movie party are Florence Vidor and King Vidor, her husband and director; Clyde Fillmore, leading man; David Howard, assistant director; George Barnes and Ed Roberts, cameramen, and other technical workers. Fortunately the party has a good supply of food and an experienced cook and is in a neighborhood where there is a plentiful supply of wood for fuel. The Vidors are filming "The Real Adventure" by Henry Kitchell Webster, and some of the story calls for rugged snowstorm scenes, which they will surely get.[23] At the time of the Taylor murder, there were already rumors that Colleen Moore was engaged to John McCormick, and she was reportedly wearing his engagement ring.[24] #32. (40) Taylor's birth certificate clearly states Taylor was born on April 26, 1872--not 1867.[25] #33. (41) Taylor was not waiting to go on the London stage in 1884. He was only 12 years old at that time and was still living at home. #34. (41) Taylor's studio biographies frequently mention his years at Clifton College, but inquiry indicates that he never attended Clifton.[26] #35. (42) As correctly stated later on p. 65 of A CAST OF KILLERS, Taylor was in the British Army, not Canadian. #36. (42) The statement that Taylor never found the need for glasses is obviously false--one of the photographs in the book has him wearing glasses, and others have been published elsewhere.[27] #37. (42) It is stated that Taylor never returned again to his family home in Ireland. But in an interview with his ex-wife it was reported: "Mrs. Robins said last night that shortly after their marriage she and Tanner visited his folks in Ireland...His family entertained her at their home in Fitzwilliam Square..."[28] #38. (43) Fanny Davenport did not sign Taylor as her leading man; her leading man was her husband, Melbourne MacDowell, though Taylor did sometimes understudy the leading role. #39. (43) Taylor did not "inexplicably" leave Fanny Davenport. He was with the Davenport theatrical company until she died on September 26, 1898, and the troupe disbanded. #40. (43) The story that Taylor had gone to prison in England to protect a woman's honor, did not come from a Klondike miner; it came from H. M. Horkheimer, the president of Balboa Studios.[29] #41. (45) There were several reports that Taylor's finances were not "in perfect order" when he deserted his wife: ...[Taylor] told Mr. Morrison...that he had left New York because of an overwhelming burden of debt he had contracted while an art dealer in New York.[30] And: Financial and other troubles were pressing hard upon W. C. Deane- Tanner at the time of his disappearance..."Pete's" habits, especially his extravagances, were held to blame...Pete confided that he had borrowed a great deal of money from Mr. Braker...but he was confident he and Mrs. Tanner would be remembered handsomely in Mr. Braker's will. Pete's hopes...were completely dashed in the summer of 1908, when Mr. Braker died suddenly and his will, filed shortly before Pete's disappearance, contained a brief clause to this effect: "To W. C. D. Tanner, I leave and bequeath the amounts of money owing to me by him."...At the time "Pete" Tanner deserted his wife and six-year-old daughter in October, 1908, he was in serious financial straits, owing thousands of dollars to Wilson Marshall...and to others.[31] #42. (46) That Taylor experienced "memory losses" was attested to by others beside his wife. One of his former business associates reportedly stated: "We all had noticed the facial neuralgia which distorted 'Pete's' face so, and he had several mental lapses during the time I knew him. We all agreed with Mrs. Deane-Tanner at the time of his disappearance that he had wandered away while seized with one of these spells."[32] #43. (48) A CAST OF KILLERS strongly implies that reports of Taylor's rumored homosexuality had not been published in contemporary newspaper accounts of the murder. Although the Los Angeles papers did not publish those rumors, they were indeed published elsewhere, e.g.: "The fact that his houseman, Henry Peavey, and his former secretary, Edward F. Sands, are both said to be 'queer persons,' has led to much speculation whether Taylor was abnormal himself."[33]; "It has been charged that Taylor was a member of an unnatural love cult, a cult comprised entirely of men."[34] #44. (52) The romance between Neva Gerber and Taylor was certainly more than just "studio publicity." They went together from the Balboa Company to Favorite Players to American Film. While at American in Santa Barbara, Taylor reportedly was living in the same house with Neva and her mother.[35] Taylor continued to give Neva presents of cash and automobiles up until the time of his death.[36] #45. (52) Mary Miles Minter was not at American Film while Taylor was employed there; he left in October 1915[37] to go to Pallas (Paramount), and Mary did not arrive at American Film until mid-1916: MOVING PICTURE WORLD (June 24, 1916): Led by the Mayor and various of his official family, Santa Barbara, Cal., residents gave a rousing reception to little Mary Miles Minter, the American-Mutual child star, on her recent arrival at the southern California city to begin work on her first Mutual feature release... Neva Gerber was at American film during the entire period of time that Taylor was employed there. #46. (53-4) The rumor, that the blacksmith in "Captain Alvarez" was Denis Tanner, was indeed mentioned in the papers, attributed to an anonymous New Yorker who stated he recognized him.[38] #47. (58) Wallace Reid's drug problem reportedly began in 1919 when he was given morphine for an injury which occurred during the filming of "Valley of the Giants."[39] Taylor last directed Reid in 1917 in "Big Timber." Reid had no drug problem when Taylor directed him. #48. (60) Antonio Moreno was having a contract dispute with Vitagraph, and wanted Taylor's assistance to arbitrate it. Moreno's statement to the press indicates the scheduled meeting with Taylor on the morning after his death did not involve Woolwine at all. "...we arranged that I should call for Mr. Taylor, at the Lasky studio, about 10 o'clock Thursday morning...Mr. Taylor was to go with me to the Vitagraph studio, on a matter of personal business."[40] #49. (61) The career of Julia Crawford Ivers peaked prior to the Taylor murder, and went almost straight downhill after his death.[41] #50. (65) A CAST OF KILLERS has scrambled the details of Taylor's military career. In reality Taylor went from Nova Scotia to England, where he received an officer's commission and was assigned to the Royal Army Service Corps. He was more than just a "temporary lieutenant."[42] #51. (65) Taylor was in uniform for approximately 9 months, not 15 months. He reported for active duty in August 1918 and returned in May 1919.[43] #52. (66) There is no big mystery as to why Taylor enlisted so late in the war. The following local newspaper item appeared in the month before Taylor signed his enlistment papers: A move was started here yesterday by several patriotic Britishers, headed by Sergt. Howard Allen of the local British recruiting office and Dr. A. D. Houghton of the Receiving Hospital staff, to compel all Britons between the ages of 18 and 50 to enlist for service abroad. This movement, according to Dr. Houghton, will be aided by the American Protective League, its object being to round up every available man in this community. It was stated that there are between 2000 and 3000 British subjects here and every one, except such as are supporting dependents, will be pressed into service... A special canvass of the movie camps is to be made...[44] Taylor's enlistment was probably a result of this recruiting drive. #53. (68) The photograph of Taylor and the three army buddies was printed in the L.A. TIMES, along with another photo of the same individuals.[45] If one of them had been Denis, surely his wife would have recognized him. When the photograph was printed in the SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE, the soldiers were all identified (and one of them was interviewed). The name of the soldier who allegedly looks like Denis, is Sgt. Hawkins.[46] #54. (71) No six-page photo spread announcing the birth of Realart appears in any issue of PHOTOPLAY. An ad such as the one described would have appeared in a trade paper, not a fan magazine. #55. (71) Ads for the birth of Realart did not appear until mid-1919. #56. (72) "Huckleberry Finn" was the first film directed by Taylor after his return from military service and was filmed prior to "Anne of Green Gables," though "Anne" was released to theaters first.[47] #57. (72) There was indeed a public explanation given as to why the team of Minter and Taylor was broken up: Taylor was promoted. In the film industry at that time, there could be only one "star" in any film, whether actor or director. At the end of 1919 Taylor was promoted, given his own producing unit and given "the name above the title." Taylor and Minter could not both have top billing in the same film, yet each of their contracts now required top billing. Hence, their professional separation: William D. Taylor, one of the screen's best known and most artistic directors and before that a prominent and successful doer of things theatric, has signed a new contract with Famous Players-Lasky whereby he will make his own productions for the Paramount-Artcraft program, beginning this month. Films directed and produced by Taylor will be trademarked "William D. Taylor Productions" and will be given the same prominence and publicity that now is given those of Cecil B. De Mille. At present Mr. Taylor is directing Mary Miles Minter. He has directed several of the silver sheet's most famous stars.[48] #58. (74) It is stated that Taylor did not move into the Alvarado bungalow until summer of 1920. But press items indicated Taylor moved there immediately after his return from military service in May 1919. LOS ANGELES RECORD (May 30, 1919): Since returning to Los Angeles, William D. Taylor, the director, who spent a strenuous year on the other side as a captain in the British army, has rented himself a bungalow and is settling down to the grind of directing feature pictures for the Morosco studios. #59. (74) It is stated that Taylor moved into the bungalow on the recommendation of Douglas MacLean. But press items indicated that the bungalow was found for him by his fiancee, Neva Gerber: "Mr. Taylor used to depend on me to look after many things for him. It was I who found the house for him in which he was living at the time of his death, and when he and I were engaged and were going out together I would frequently stop there for a few minutes, but there was always a servant present."[49] #60. (75) ROUND THE ROOM does not state that Taylor's car which was stolen by Sands was a Packard. Press items published after the murder indicated that the wrecked car was repaired and repainted, and was in Taylor's possession at the time of his death.[50] The two automobiles in his estate were a McFarlan and a Chandler. It had to be one of these two cars which was stolen by Sands, and was undoubtedly the very expensive McFarlan.[51] #61. (75) Although the merchandise stolen by Sands was pawned under the name of William Deane Tanner, there is no mention in the early press reports that the envelope sent to Taylor was addressed that way. #62. (88) Peavey testified at the inquest that he always left and entered Taylor's residence by the front door, not the back (kitchen) door. Before he left each evening he would fasten a latch on the back door and leave a key in the lock, preventing outside entry through the back door. #63. (88) If Taylor's cigarette case had been stolen by Sands and been missing for "many months," how could it possibly be a Christmas gift from Mabel Normand inscribed "Christmas 1921"? There were less than two months between Christmas 1921 and the murder. Sands' last robbery was on December 4, 1921, three weeks PRIOR to Christmas. #64. (88) On the day Taylor was killed, James Kirkwood was on board the ship Aquitania, en route from Europe to New York. He was not in Los Angeles, or even in the United States.[52] #65. (89) According to Antonio Moreno's statements to the press, he had been trying to get in touch with Taylor for two days, finally contacting him by telephone around 7:00 p.m. on the night of the murder. It therefore appears he did not meet with Taylor at the Athletic Club on the morning of that day.[53] #66. (89) On the day Taylor was killed, C. B. De Mille was on board the ship Aquitania, en route from Europe to New York. He was not in Los Angeles: NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (February 4, 1922): Cecil B. De Mille, connected with the Famous Players-Lasky Corporation, who has been abroad on a vacation, returned yesterday on the Aquitania of the Cunard Line. Mr. De Mille is suffering from rheumatism and was carried from the steamship on a stretcher, with his left arm and right leg bandaged, and placed in an ambulance and taken to his suite in the Ambassador. Mrs. De Mille met her husband at the pier, as did Adolph Zukor, motion picture owner. Asked about William Desmond Taylor, director of the Famous Players- Lasky studios who was shot dead in his home in Los Angeles, Mr. De Mille said he had worked with Mr. Taylor about four years, before and after the war... "He was a charming man," said Mr. De Mille. "There was none cleaner in the motion picture industry." Mr. De Mille frowned on rumors that association with women might have brought about the murder. And: Cecil De Mille's illness has been wildly rumored to be decidely serious. We are glad to report James Kirkwood's comments upon the tale. Mr. Kirkwood returned from Europe on the same steamer with Mr. De Mille and spent nearly every afternoon during the voyage with him. He says he marvels at Mr. De Mille's courage and poise in the midst of his affliction. In Paris the physicians warned Mr. De Mille against making the trip at this time, but the director insisted that he must return to Hollywood. So, in the face of their forebodings and well-nigh helpless from rheumatism, he started homeward. "It was marvelous to sit and talk with the man," said Kirkwood. "Sick and utterly worn out, he maintained the same charm of the host that he did in his days of health in California. It was superb bravery."[54] #67. (89) Two weeks prior to Taylor's death, Julia Crawford Ivers began a three-month leave of absence away from Paramount. She had been given the assignment of writing the scenario for a Constance Talmadge film, and was working at United Studios for Joseph Schenck: Los Angeles, Jan. 16--Mrs. Julia Crawford Ivers, special writer and supervising director on the Paramount staff, closed her desk at the Lasky studio Saturday and moved her script case over to the United Studios where she is to be with the Constance Talmadge unit under the management of Joseph Schenck. This association is but a temporary one, however, Mr. Lasky having granted Mrs. Ivers a leave of absence for three months to permit her to do some special scripts for Miss Talmadge. At the end of that time she is due back on the Lasky lot.[55] And: Los Angeles, Jan. 30--Mrs. Julia Crawford Ivers, who is filling a special writing engagement with the Constance Talmadge unit, by arrangement with the Lasky studios, is working overtime these days on the adaptation and continuity of her original comedy "Our Fiancee." this is to serve for a coming Connie Talmadge, production, having been written by Mrs. Ivers expressly for Connie.[56] #68. (89) Prior to Taylor's murder, Mary Miles Minter was not "all washed up, a has-been." According to Jesse Lasky, the Minter pictures cost $100,000 to produce and grossed $200,000.[57] It's certainly true that Minter did not develop into the Pickford-magnitude star that Paramount had hoped she would become, but she was still a successful member of Paramount's stellar stable at that time. #69. (90) At the First National Bank, Taylor did not deposit $2300 in cash. The most reliable press reports state that the deposit was in the form of checks, including two $800 paychecks. It had been taken for granted by the police, positive statements to this effect having been made, that Taylor drew $2500 from the First National Bank on January 31 and made a deposit of that sum or of $2350 on February 1. He was killed on the night of February 1. It was disclosed yesterday that he had not withdrawn any considerable sum from the bank, at least within two weeks of the date of his slaying and that his deposit of that day included four items, viz., two checks for $800 each on the Merchants National Bank, one check for $600 and one for $150 on the Citizens National. The two $800 checks were explained yesterday by Mr. Eyton: they were for salary. While the other checks have not been investigated it is assumed for the present that they represent dividends Taylor received from stock held by him... "Mr. Taylor evidently had held a pay check for a week," said Mr. Eyton last night, "which accounts for two checks having been deposited. I might explain that his contract called for a salary of $1200 a week, but when the let-down in the motion picture business came he voluntarily offered to accept one-third less than the amount he might have collected."[58] #70. (90) According to Mabel Normand's official statement to the D.A., her maid told her Taylor had sent his chauffeur over with a book from Parker's (not Fowler's), and had also made a book purchase at Robinsons for her to pick up at his place.[59] In her lengthy LIBERTY interview, Mabel stated that the two books she picked up from Taylor were ROSA MUNDI and a commentary on Nietsche.[60] She also mentioned ROSA MUNDI in an interview published in the L. A. EXAMINER.[61] The employees of C. C. Parker's Bookstore were interviewed after the murder; they remembered Taylor and his purchase, THE HOME BOOK OF VERSE.[62] Clearly this was the book sent to Mabel's home by his chauffeur, while the two books from Robinsons were the books she picked up at his place. She explicitly denied receiving a volume of Freud from Taylor at that time.[63] Where did Freud come from? The answer is easy to deduce. In her LIBERTY interview, Mabel says she had her volume of Freud with her when she visited Taylor. Mabel's initial press interviews, made on the day the body was discovered, did not name the books Taylor had given her; but she did mention Taylor's joke when he took her to her car and saw the POLICE GAZETTE there--he jokingly contrasted the POLICE GAZETTE with the volume of Freud. The reporters naturally assumed that the volume of Freud had been just given to her by Taylor, and a few of them reported it that way--they were clearly wrong. #71. (90) Taylor did not meet with Berger in his home at 6:15 p.m. According to press reports, Taylor met with Berger in her office between approximately 2:00 and 4:00 p.m.[64] Taylor and Berger later spoke by telephone. The LOS ANGELES EXAMINER interviewed Berger and reported that her phone conversation with Taylor took place between 5:30 and 6:30.[65] #72. (90) Many of the events of Taylor's "last day" as described in A CAST OF KILLERS, are inaccurate. He did not spend most of the day at the studio; he only spent a little time there on that day.[66] #73. (90) It is stated that on the day of his death Taylor took tango lessons from a young man at a dance class. But according to the LOS ANGELES TIMES, the dance class he attended was at the Payne Dancing Academy, and his regular dancing instructor, Mrs. Waybright, gave him his lesson: "He was just brushing up on some of the old steps," Mrs. Waybright stated last night. "He had always taken private lessons. His previous lesson was taken on the preceding Monday night. On Wednesday night [Feb. 1] I noticed nothing unusual about his actions. He was as jolly, though quiet and reticent to talk, as on his preceding visits. He never discussed his personal affairs with me while we danced. We only talked of his progress in dancing. Had there been any worry on his mind on his last visit I would have noticed it. "He had completed one course, and before his departure purchased a new set of tickets. He said he wanted to take up a tango step the following evening, which would have been Thursday. He added that he possibly would be sent on location Thursday, and that if he did not appear that evening he would surely come back on Friday."[67] #74. (100) Taylor's last production was not "The Top of New York." "The Green Temptation" was the last film Taylor made, even though "The Top of New York" was released to theaters last.[68] #75. (107) It is stated that when D. W. Griffith took his troupe of Biograph film players to California he left Mabel Normand behind in New York. On the contrary, the filmography in MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS pp. 287-289, shows that Mabel indeed accompanied them to California. The biography of Mabel Normand written in 1929 by Harry Carr also stated that Mabel went to California with Biograph.[69] #76. (108) May "Busch," not May "Bush." #77. (108) Mabel Normand had already been working for Goldwyn for over a year when "Mickey" was released in August 1918. She already was a "full- fledged star," though "Mickey" was indeed her most successful film. #78. (109) Mabel Normand never went to Europe during her Goldwyn years; her first European trip took place after Taylor's murder.[70] No fan magazines or newspapers during her Goldwyn years reported that she was in Europe. #79. (109) It is stated that "Molly O", Mabel Normand's 1921 film, was a disaster at the box office. But in Sennett's autobiography he states that the film was financially successful.[71] Contemporary newspaper reports indicated that the film played for six weeks in Los Angeles, reportedly attracting 100,000 patrons during that time.[72] Cinema historian John Kobal referred to "Molly O" as Mabel's "last great success."[73] #80. (110) It is stated that Normand and Cody kept separate residences from the time they were married in 1926 until her death in 1930. But in December 1927 it was announced that they would no longer keep separate residences, but would live together in Mabel's house in Beverly Hills.[74] #81. (111) It is implied that Mabel Normand's death was largely caused by narcotics. But the material in MABEL (pp. 218-230) shows that she truly died of tuberculosis, and that it was a lingering, horrible death. After her death, one press item stated: "Miss Normand died at the Pottinger sanitarium, Monrovia, early Saturday morning, after waging a losing battle for over a year against tuberculosis...Miss Normand had wasted away until she weighed scarcely 50 pounds at the time of her death."[75] #82. (114) None of the newspapers published in the week after the murder reported that Mabel had been searching for her letters at the bungalow when the police arrived at the murder scene. Those fanciful reports came later. #83. (116) In her official statement to the district attorney, Mabel stated that did not know who was on the phone with Taylor when she arrived: "No, I don't know to whom he was talking."[76] The press also indicated that she did not know to whom Taylor had been talking.[77] There was one solitary early interview which quoted her as stating it was Berger, but that statement is clearly "enhanced." Peavey is also quoted in that same paper as stating that Berger had telephoned before Mabel's arrival, and the reporter had obviously interpolated the information into Mabel's interview, since the reporters present from the other papers made no mention of it. The LOS ANGELES EXAMINER interviewed Berger and reported that her phone conversation with Taylor took place between 5:30 and 6:30.[78] Antonio Moreno's statement indicated his phone call with Taylor took place at 7:00, which is when Mabel arrived. So the press evidence indicates Taylor was talking with Moreno, not Berger, when Mabel arrived. Ed King also stated the call was with Moreno.[79] #84. (116) Taylor's alleged premonition did appear in one early press report, but the statement was clearly fabricated. As soon as the report appeared, Mabel gave an interview explicitly denying it: "I wish to deny also the statement attributed to me that Mr. Taylor had told me of premonition of his death," added Miss Normand. "I never heard him mention any fear for his life or fear of any person or persons."[80] #85. (117) Sennett was not with Mabel Normand on the morning after the murder. He sent his studio manager, John Waldron to handle the situation.[81] Sennett went into seclusion and did not emerge in public for two weeks. #86. (118) Regarding Mabel Normand's injuries in 1915, A CAST OF KILLERS reportedly quotes Minta Durfee as stating that Mabel was not injured by a vase thrown by Mae Busch, but rather by jumping off a pier. There were a number of different published accounts of Mabel's injuries. That Mabel was injured by the thrown vase was elsewhere directly asserted several times by Minta Durfee herself, who once stated: ...the vase that was over the fireplace, suddenly went flying through the room, down the corridor, right to Mabel's forehead. It was a direct hit, but Mabel, before she fell to the floor, was able to see the person who threw it with such deadly accuracy: a lady in a flimsy black negligee--Mae Busch.[82] Two 1922 accounts of Mabel's injuries were previously published in TAYLOROLOGY. In Wallace Smith's account, Mabel found Mack with a woman and another couple; Mabel attacked Mack, and the other man broke a beer bottle over Mabel's head.[83] In Ed Roberts' account, Mabel attacked Mae; during the catfight Mae gained the upper hand and bashed Mabel's head repeatedly against a wooden window casing.[84] The pier-jumping account seems to have originated from Adela Rogers St. Johns.[85] #87. (122) It is stated that Claire Windsor went with Taylor to the Ambassador Hotel, where they met Antonio Moreno and James Kirkwood, on the Saturday before Taylor's death. As mentioned above, Kirkwood was not even in the U.S.A. at that time. Also, in interviews given shortly after the murder, Claire Windsor stated that she had only been out with Taylor this once, and she and Moreno both stated that this evening at the Ambassador hotel took place on the previous Thursday, not Saturday.[86] A CAST OF KILLERS indicates that the evening concluded with Taylor and Moreno going off together, and Claire Windsor had to get a ride home with Mabel. But in interviews given after the murder Moreno stated that he saw Taylor and Claire Windsor leave the hotel together[87], and other interviews stated that Moreno had escorted Betty Francisco to and from this event.[88] Moreno did state that he had indeed been with Taylor on that Saturday, in the L. A. Athletic Club, along with Arthur Hoyt and Capt. Robertson; but Moreno stated that Taylor, Hoyt and Robertson left together without him because Moreno had a dinner engagement elsewhere.[89] So there are many discrepancies here when comparing A CAST OF KILLERS with the statements made by Claire Windsor, Antonio Moreno, and Betty Francisco a few days after the murder. #88. (122) Mary Miles Minter played in "The Littlest Rebel" in Chicago in 1911 and 1912, but not in 1914. #89. (128) It is stated that in 1914, at the age of 11, Mary Miles Minter (Juliet Reilly) assumed the identity of the real Mary Miles Minter, who had died eight years earlier at the age of eight, so that she could pass herself off as being 16 years old and thus not get in trouble with child labor laws in Chicago. But in a 1923 interview, Minter says this happened several years earlier: "When I was eight years old I was passed off for 16, twice my age, and dressed as a midget, with high heels and long skirts, so that I could play the stellar role of 'The Littlest Rebel' at the Chicago Opera house. That was because the state law of Illinois prohibited children under 16 years of age from appearing as professional performers."[90] So which is correct? Did this happen when Minter was eight, or when she was 11? Both accounts agree that she was passed off for 16, so everything depends on when the real Mary Miles Minter died. One month after the birth of Juliet Reilly in April 1902, the SHREVEPORT TIMES reported the following: Mansfield, La., May 22--Mary, the 8-year-old daughter of Mr. Fayette Minter, of Eastpoint, was buried by the side of her mother here this morning. The remains were accompanied by Mr. Minter, Mr. W. F. Scarbrough and Mr. Wm. Gray... Mesdames Julia Miles and J. Homer Reilly, of Shreveport, were visitors this morning.[91] As this item indicates that the real (deceased) Mary Miles Minter was eight years older than Juliet Reilly, then if Juliet Reilly assumed the identity of Mary Miles Minter at the age of eight that would indeed make her appear to be legally 16. So Minter's version, pretending to be 16 at age eight, is supported by this documentary evidence. Since Charlotte Shelby was obviously in town to attend the funeral that morning, it's no wonder that the identity switch (Juliet Reilly to Mary Miles Minter) occurred to her eight years later. However, Minter's appearance in "The Littlest Rebel" at the Chicago Opera House actually took place in 1911, when Minter was 9 years old.[92] #90. (129) There were many divergent accounts of how and when Taylor and Minter first met. James Kirkwood later stated he introduced them to each other on the American lot.[93] There were a number of social events where Taylor and Minter were both present, such as the Motion Picture Directors Association Thanksgiving Ball in 1916.[94] But from the written statement made by Minter in August 1923 it is clear that she did not remember any meetings which had taken place before the filming of ANNE OF GREEN GABLES in 1919: "William Desmond Taylor came into my life when I was 17 years of age..."[95] (Minter turned 17 in April 1919.) #91. (129-30) Regarding Minter's contract with American Film, it is stated that Charlotte Shelby got out of the contract due to a legal loophole, and then signed with Paramount. But the material in TAYLOROLOGY 9 indicates that although Minter did not work during the last two months of her final two-year contract with American Film, which was signed in April 1917, that contract was indeed completed before she signed with Realart on June 17, 1919. #92. (130) It is stated that the Shelby family moved from the home on Fremont to the home on Hobart, and then later to the home at 7th & New Hampshire (known as Casa Margarita). But this sequence is wrong. The family moved into the Mathewson house on Fremont in late 1919, signing an 18- month lease.[96] The lease was not completed because the Mathewson house was sold in late 1920, so the Shelby family spent a few months at the Ambassador hotel. Then they moved to Casa Margarita (which was known as the Duque house at the time they moved in) in April 1921[97]. They did not move into the house on Hobart until Fall 1921--they were there from Fall 1921 to Spring 1922 while renovation work was underway at Casa Margarita.[98] #93. (130) It is stated that the home at 2039 North Hobart was "down the road from Mabel Normand." But Mabel Normand lived at 3089 West Seventh Street, at the corner of 7th and Vermont, which was not down the road from the home on Hobart.[99] Mabel Normand lived down the road from Casa Margarita, not the home on Hobart. #94. (131) It is stated that Mary's final film contract was terminated on April 25, 1923. But in her lawsuit filed against her mother, it was stated that Mary's contract ended on January 27, 1923.[100] #95. (131) It is stated that "Paramount paid off the rest of her contract for $350,000..." That figure does not seem credible. Contemporary press items stated nothing about Minter's contract being "paid off", only that the 30-month contract had been completed and would not be renewed.[101] Minter's original contract was for 30 months, 20 films, $1,300,000. The 30 months had been fully completed, and she had done 18 films. There were only two films still due on the original contract when it was terminated; why would they have paid $350,000 (over 25% of the total contract) to pay off the last two films (10% of the total contract)? Another indication that the $350,000 figure is unreasonable is in the lawsuit filed against her mother, stating that between April 1, 1920 (when she turned 18) and January 23, 1923 (when the contract terminated) Shelby had received $700,000 of Minter's money from the studio. #96. (131) It is stated that Carl Stockdale had starred in one of Mary's early Paramount pictures. Stockdale had played supporting roles in several of Mary's movies made for American Film, but was not in any of her Paramount films. #97. (131) Margaret died in 1939, not 1937. The date is correctly given later in the book. #98. (131) It is stated that Mary Miles Minter made six more pictures after the Taylor murder. But Minter only made four more pictures after the murder: "South of Suva," "Drums of Fate," "The Cowboy and the Lady," and "The Trail of the Lonesome Pine." All her other pictures had been completed before the murder. #99. (136) The AMERICAN FILM INSTITUTE CATALOG, FEATURE FILMS: 1911-1920, does not indicate that Florence Vidor appeared in any films with Mary Miles Minter. #100. (142) In 1937, Faith MacLean "partially identified" Carl Stockdale as having been the person she saw leaving Taylor's home after the shot was fired.[102] This directly contradicts the report that she was certain the person was Charlotte Shelby. #101. (144) Ike St. Johns was secretary and campaign manager for Mayor Meredith Snyder, but Snyder lost his bid for re-election in 1921. At the time of the Taylor murder, George Cryer was Mayor. A few months prior to the murder, Ike St. Johns was reportedly called as a Grand Jury witness to testify about political corruption in the Snyder administration.[103] Ike St. Johns was not working for the Mayor's office at the time of the murder. #102. (Photo insert) The photograph identified as the coroner's photograph of Taylor is not Taylor--no coroner's photograph of Taylor was taken. That photograph is actually the suicide victim in Connecticut who was at one time rumored to be Sands. On March 7, 1922 the HARTFORD COURANT printed this very same photo and said it was the coroner's photo of the local suicide victim. There was some speculation that the unidentified victim might be Sands, and the next day the COURANT reported that a copy of the photo was being sent to the Los Angeles authorities to determine whether or not the individual was indeed Sands. So although this photo was in the police file of the Taylor case, it is not a photo of Taylor. #103. (Photo insert) Taylor's funeral was held on February 7, 1922, not February 8, as any contemporary newspaper accounts will verify. #104. (Photo insert) The "I love you" letter shown in A CAST OF KILLERS is a forgery. A photograph of the genuine letter was printed in the press shortly after the murder; the wording is the same, but the monogram, layout and handwriting is different.[104] The handwriting on the real letter is identical with Minter's handwriting which appears on the photograph of hers which was found in Taylor's bungalow.[105] #105. Photo insert) The photograph identified as Faith MacLean is not Faith MacLean, but rather a photo of Kathlyn Williams (Mrs. Charles Eyton)-- she signed Taylor's death certificate identifying the body.[106] #106. (Photo insert) The woman identified as Mary Miles Minter, in the film still with King Vidor, is not Minter. #107. (Photo insert) One photo is identified as "William Desmond Taylor and Mary Pickford, 1919," but according to Robert Birchard the man in the photo is not Taylor--this was a publicity photo taken for the film "Amarilly of Clothesline Alley," and the man was a Canadian officer. That film was made and released in 1918, before Taylor even entered the British (not Canadian) army. Also, the man in the picture has a mustache, and no accounts indicated Taylor ever grew a mustache during his Army years, or during the years of his film career. #108. (Photo insert) One photograph of the Shelby-Minter family is identified as having been taken at Casa de Margarita "c. 1919," but the family did not move into Casa de Margarita until April 1921.[107] In 1919 the family lived in Santa Barbara (while her contract with American Film was concluding), then on Fifth Avenue in New York (while competing producers were trying to outbid each other for a contract with Minter), and, at year's end, in the Mathewson house at 56 Fremont in Los Angeles. #109. (Photo insert) The photograph identified as "Sands" is actually Harry Fellows. Sands was NEVER Taylor's chauffeur, he was Taylor's valet/cook. The photograph on the dust jacket was indeed published and erroneously identified as Sands, but the next day: The photograph of Taylor and a man thought to be Edward F. Sands which appeared in yesterday's EXAMINER was identified as that of Harry Fellows in company with the slain director. Fellows, an assistant director, declared the picture was taken some time ago.[108] Harry Fellows was Taylor's chauffeur before becoming his assistant director. When Taylor bought his new expensive McFarlan late in 1920, several photos were taken with Taylor in the car, and a few of them had Harry Fellows behind the wheel. (Harry Fellows should not be confused with his brother, Howard Fellows, who was chauffeur at the time of Taylor's death.)[109] #110. (149, 153) Mary Miles Minter described a gas station robbery in Taylor's neighborhood by three youths on the night Taylor was killed; the book implies no such robbery actually took place. Although not as close as Mary claimed, the following reported robbery was still within walking distance of Taylor's residence: [After giving the details of a robbery that took place at 10 p.m. on the night of the murder] ...Earlier in the evening...three bandits held up an oil filling station at 601 South Catalina Street and robbed William Barer, the manager, of $100.[110] #111. (164) It is stated that published reports indicated Taylor's front door was unlocked when Peavey arrived. On the contrary, the early press reports stated: "The door, which has a night latch, was locked from the outside, but the latch was set so that no key was necessary to accomplish this."[111] #112. (164) The book indicates that as soon as Peavey discovered the body, the landlord was next to enter, followed immediately by Douglas MacLean. But in Douglas MacLean's official statement, he said that he was in bed when he heard Peavey yelling that Taylor was dead. MacLean said he got dressed first and then went to Taylor's house; when he got there the house was already full of people: "In the morning I heard someone screaming in the court. At first it was just a lot of jumbled noise. We sat bolt upright in bed and listened...I hurried into my clothes and went over to Mr. Taylor's house. It was full of people."[112] #113. (164) Douglas MacLean did not live in the bungalow directly opposite Taylor. He lived in #406-B, which was the bungalow at right angles to Taylor's. MacLean's bungalow faced Alvarado.[113] The book's diagram is likewise in error regarding the location of the MacLean residence. #114. (164) The book reports that Jessurum [sic] and MacLean stated to the police that Taylor's body was found with one arm extended--the body was not "laid out." But Jessurun later returned to the scene with Woolwine and a posed photo was taken in the exact position he purportedly first saw the body. Both arms were at Taylor's sides.[114] Douglas MacLean stated, in his own official statement: "...He was lying flat on his back, his feet separated a little, his hands at his side, perfectly flat on his back. I said to Mrs. MacLean, later on, 'He looked just like a dummy in a department store, so perfect, so immaculate.'"[115] #115. (165) Neal Harrington is identified as a "resident of a building across the street," but press items indicated that Harrington was staying with Verne Dumas in apartment 408-A of Taylor's apartment complex.[116] #116. (167) It is stated that after the first policeman (Ziegler) arrived at the death scene at 8:00 a.m., no reporters were allowed inside Taylor's home. But in his autobiography, reporter Frank Bartholomew of United Press states he arrived at the scene the same time as the deputy coroner and that "roaming the house," Bartholomew went upstairs and personally saw the nightgown.[117] #117. (168) The statement that Taylor had keys which fit no known locks did not originate from the police but from the person in charge of administering Taylor's estate: In an effort to locate William Desmond Taylor's lost will Public Administrator Frank Bryson Friday began a search of safety deposit boxes in Los Angeles' 100 banks and bank branches. "I have some of Taylor's keys," Bryson said, "but I don't know what they fit." The keys were tried out on several safety deposit boxes in downtown banks Thursday but found not to fit.[118] #118. (168) The coroner's report states that the bullet "...passed out of the chest on the right side of the middle line, posterior to the right collar bone [behind the collar bone], and entered the tissues of the neck..."[119] The bullet did not actually strike the collar bone. #119. (169) By the time Mary arrived, the "EXTRA" newspapers may have indeed been on the streets. A telegram had been sent at 10:08 a.m. which referred to newspaper accounts of the killing.[120] Mary later stated it was around 11:00 a.m. when she was notified by her mother that Taylor had been killed.[121] #120. (169) It is stated that Captain Adams allowed Mary Miles Minter to enter Taylor's bungalow when she arrived at the murder scene on the morning Taylor's body was found. But Peavey's official statement indicates Mary did not go inside.[122] In Mary's own statements to the press, she also makes no mention of going inside the building--as soon as she learns Taylor's body has already been taken to the undertakers she immediately leaves and goes there.[123] #121. (169) Minter's presence at the bungalow that morning was indeed reported in several local papers and by several wire services. The LOS ANGELES RECORD even quoted her comments at the scene: Tears streaming down her pretty face, Mary Miles Minter, famous motion picture star, hurried to the door of the Taylor bungalow at noon today and asked brokenly: "It isn't true, is it?" "Taylor is dead," said Detective Sergeant H. J. Wallis. "Oh, my God, I can't believe it," Miss Minter cried with a gesture of despair. She turned in her grief to her mother [grandmother], who had accompanied her to the bungalow court in her automobile. "And I saw him only yesterday," she said. "His car passed mine at Seventh and Alvarado--it was the first time I knew it was gray." ...The star cried and offered to do anything she could to aid police in solving the mystery.[124] #122. (170) The existence of the blonde hairs found on Taylor was initially kept quiet by the police. But in 1926 the briefcase belonging to District Attorney Asa Keyes was stolen by Hearst reporters, and the existence of the hairs became widespread public knowledge. The banner headline from the LOS ANGELES EXAMINER on March 26, 1926 was: BLONDE HAIRS CLEW IN TAYLOR CASE.[125] Additional publicity was given to the blonde hairs in 1930 by Edward King.[126] #123. (173) The rumor that the police found a closet full of women's underwear did not originate from the studios. The rumor grew from statements made by Earl Tiffany and Henry Peavey: From former employees of Mr. Taylor it was learned that silken things unknown in a man's wardrobe were among the effects of Mr. Taylor. That the police found evidence of this was learned for the first time yesterday, following the stories related by two former employees. Henry Peavey, the houseman who discovered the body last Thursday morning, declared he had seen at least one pink silk nightgown there. In connection with this, it also was learned yesterday how Edward F. Sands, former secretary, accused robber and forger and now being sought as a material witness in the murder case, spied on his employer while working for Mr. Taylor. Sands related his observations to Earl Tiffany, former chauffeur for Mr. Taylor, so Mr. Tiffany says. He observed silken things of pink hue in the upstairs rooms of the expensively appointed apartment. His curiosity was aroused. So Sands folded the garments in a trick manner, according to the story related by Mr. Tiffany, who was employed at the same time as was Sands. The result of the servant's trap were that became convinced the garments were not merely kept there for sentimental reasons. He paid particular attention to the visitors to the Taylor home, it was declared, and drew his own conclusion. Peavey stated last night he remembered seeing at least one pink nightgown.[127] The stories of a supposed closet full of women's lingerie did not come until many years later when sensationalist publications sought to "spice up" this original item. #124. (175) Denis Deane Tanner had indeed been an employee of Taylor's. But after Taylor deserted his wife, Denis went to work for another store across town.[128] #125. (175) It is stated that Taylor was best man at the wedding of Denis and Ada Tanner in 1907. But in her statements to the press, Ada said that the first time she met Taylor was after the birth of her first child in 1908.[129] #126. (176) The police did not feel obliged to comment on all the wild stories which were appearing in print after the murder. But they did discredit the theory that Sands and Denis were the same person: Detectives ridiculed a theory advanced today that Sands may have been Dennis Tanner... Tanner, if alive, would be considerably more than 40, it was said, while Sands' age is 25.[130] And years later, when the theory resurfaced, District Attorney Buron Fitts stated: "...the [finger]prints of [Denis] Deane-Tanner and Sands are definitely of two different men."[131] The handwriting of Sands and Denis Tanner were also compared and found to be totally different.[132] #127. (181) No early published accounts made any statement to the effect that Taylor had met with Berger in his bungalow on the day he was killed. #128. (177) The estimate of Taylor's 1922 financial worth as $1.5 million (adjusted for inflation to 1967) seems quite unrealistic. The total value of Taylor's estate, as inherited by his daughter (his sole heir) was $18,733.[133] #129. (179) It is stated that on the last day of his life, February 1, Taylor ordered flowers for both Mary Miles Minter and Mabel Normand. But according to the probate papers, Taylor's last order with his regular florist, S. Murata & Company, was placed on January 31. #130. (181) Berger met with Taylor at her office in the AFTERNOON, when Shelby reportedly called looking for Mary. Mary claimed to have been home reading a book in the EVENING. These are two different periods of time. Taylor reportedly left Berger's office around 4:00 p.m.[134] #131. (184) The question is raised as to why, in the year following the murder, Minter was only questioned once. Yet, earlier in A CAST OF KILLERS on p. 169 it is stated that she was questioned at the scene by Captain Adams who indicated she had an acceptable alibi for her whereabouts the previous evening. Press reports also indicated she was questioned again on February 4: Late last night Detective Captain Adams, after a three hours conference with Mary Miles Minter, issued an official statement in which he said, "Detective Sergeants Cato and Cahill, together with myself, interviewed Miss Minter. We talked with her several hours regarding her relations with Taylor. We are absolutely satisfied that Miss Minter knows nothing that will throw any light at all on this mystery nor do we believe that she is even remotely connected with the case."[135] It was also reported that detectives King and Winn questioned Minter.[136] So although her session with William Doran on February 7 was the only time a stenographer took Minter's statement verbatim, there were certainly other instances when she was questioned by the investigators. #132. (183-4) It is implied that no attempt was made to question Charlotte Shelby in the year following the murder. On the contrary, Detectives King and Winn attempted to question her, but she refused to talk to them: After questioning Miss Minter, we went to the home of her mother, Mrs. Charlotte Shelby, to question her regarding any knowledge she might have of the mystery. Mrs. Shelby was preparing to leave for New York on the 6:00 o'clock train. When I requested an interview, she came to the door, fastening her dress. She informed me coldly that her attorneys, Mr. Mott and Mr. Cassill, were in the house for the purpose of answering questions, and that she was in too much of a hurry to reach New York to devote any time to an investigation about which she knew nothing.[137] #133. (184) In 1926 Charlotte Shelby was not "declared innocent without a trial" and "officially exonerated from blame." In 1929, Shelby issued a written statement recalling the 1926 meeting with Keyes: "...My attorney and I invited his questioning me, thereupon demanding a statement vindicating me. His statement was promised within three days, but I was unable to get this satisfaction."[138] And Keyes, referring to the 1926 episode, replied: "I exonerated no one in the case and refused to do so until the guilty person was arrested and prosecuted."[139] #134. (184) The book states that the police knew more about Taylor and Minter's relationship than even the most muckraking of journalists had suspected. But the "muckraking journals" suspected and implied that Taylor and Minter had an extremely sexual relationship (which the presence of the purportedly initialed nightgown implied). If, as indicated in the book, the police had concluded Taylor and Minter had not made love, than this was less (not more) than the "muckraking journals" suspected. #135. (187) Charlotte Whitney reportedly states that she had never been questioned by investigators on the case prior to 1925. Yet the LOS ANGELES TIMES did report that she had indeed been questioned shortly after the murder.[140] #136. (188) Keyes did not wait four months after Charlotte Whitney's testimony before "deciding" to question Shelby. Shelby went to Louisiana for a court case (a relative was contesting the will of Shelby's mother, Julia Miles)[141] and then to New York; as soon as she returned to Los Angeles, Keyes did question her. Also, it is natural that Keyes would want to question Minter--who was potentially a star witness--prior to questioning Shelby; but Minter was in New York at that time, so a trip to New York had to be made in order for Keyes to first question Minter. #137. (192) According to newspaper reports there were over 300 written confessions received within five weeks of the murder, not one year.[142] These press items were obviously enhanced--a much more plausible report stated that the 300 figure included letters from people who "know" who the murderer is; in other words, the 300 figure included tips, hunches and purported visions by psychics.[143] In his 1930 article detective Ed King stated that about a dozen persons had confessed to the murder.[144] #138. (213) Cahill reportedly states that every time Mabel told her story of that evening she said that Taylor had "received" the telephone call; but in her official statement to the D.A. she makes no mention of whether Taylor made the call or received it--she only states that Taylor was talking on the phone when she arrived.[145] If Taylor was talking to Moreno, then the call was "made" and not "received," as Taylor was returning Moreno's earlier call. #139. (213) Cahill reportedly states that it was very strange for Taylor's door to have been open when Mabel arrived; it was far too cold to have the door open. But in an interview Mabel stated: "A peculiarity the director had was that he never closed his front door during the day and seldom at night..."[146] Taylor's favorite sports were golf, hunting and camping; he may have had a touch of claustrophobia. In any event, it was Taylor's normal behavior to have his door open. #140. (214) Mary Miles Minter was not present at Taylor's inquest; she was in seclusion. #141. (216) The book implies that Eyton planted the nightgown in Taylor's bedroom on the morning the body was found in order to make the public believe that Taylor was quite a ladies' man. Yet reportedly Eyton, one of the few to actually see the nightgown, tried to discredit it: [from an interview with Paramount executive Frank A. Garbutt] "Take the pink nightgown for example. I have talked to Charles Eyton about it. He told me that he saw the nightgown at the house after the murder. He said it was in a box which he opened while going through Taylor's effects. He said that he barely glanced at the garment, but the thought flashed through his mind that it was something that Taylor had probably bought for his daughter."[147] And Peavey told reporters that the nightgown had been there earlier: Peavey contributed additional information regarding the night dress. When he entered Taylor's employ some six months ago, he said, he straightway began to put his master's room in order. Among several articles lying around he noticed a small flat green box; he found that it contain a pink silk garment--a woman's. It had a lace edging. He placed this in one of the bureau drawers, where it remained surviving even the two burglarious raids of Sands, his predecessor as Taylor's valet.[148] #142. (216) Suppose the nightgown did have the "MMM" initials on it--how could it possibly have been planted by the studio? There was only a half hour between the time the body was discovered by Peavey and the time the police arrived. Someone in a position of authority like Eyton would have had to learn about the death, obtain a nightgown, have initials embroidered on it, go to the murder scene, and plant the nightgown, all within a half- hour. The top priority of the studio employees was to remove damaging items from the murder scene (correspondence, liquor, etc.) before the police arrived. There was no time to obtain, initialize, and plant a nightgown. #143. (219) The book concludes that "obviously" there never was a mysterious doctor who stated Taylor died of a stomach hemorrhage. But Eyton told of the doctor, under oath, at the inquest; he volunteered the information, it was not given in response to a question. It is very doubtful that he would perjure himself unless he were asked a specific question to which he felt compelled to lie. Also, the doctor was mentioned in the official statement made by Douglas MacLean.[149] Naturally, once the doctor later learned of his mistaken diagnosis, he would not be anxious to step forward and identify himself as the incompetent doctor at the scene. #144. (219) It is stated that Cato was totally convinced shortly after the murder that Sands had nothing to do with Taylor's killing. Yet in the 1929/30 flare-up of the case, the contrary was reported: Captain Ray Cato, chief of the police homicide squad said yesterday that he still believed Sands was the murderer of Taylor.[150] and two days later ...Captain E. Ray Cato, who was one of the investigators, likewise stated that all the police records point more strongly to Sands as the killer than to any other person.[151] #145. (219-20) The press evidence leads to the conclusion that the suicide in Connecticut was not Sands. In 1926, Keyes took a coast-to-coast trip investigating several leads on the case. Upon his return it was reported: ...[Keyes] visited Bridgeport, Conn., where police told him that three years ago Captain Jim Bean of the Los Angeles police department had investigated the death of a man there thought at one time to have been Edward F. Sands, former valet to Taylor, and the suspected slayer. Bean at that time learned for certain that the man buried in Bridgeport was not Sands, and made a formal report.[152] #146. (231) Chapter 32 of A CAST OF KILLERS, supposedly detailing the meeting between Vidor and Hopkins, is worded very strangely. During the meeting, "Vidor" launches a defamatory attack on Taylor's character and, from his conversation with Hopkins, Vidor supposedly concludes that: (a) Taylor was homosexual; (b) Taylor liked to molest young boys; (c) the room which Taylor rented for Peavey is where Taylor would molest the boys; (d) Peavey would solicit the young boys for Taylor; (e) Peavey's recent arrest in Westlake Park was for one such solicitation for Taylor. And yet Hopkins is quoted as saying NONE of that! "Vidor" pulls each theory out of the air and "Hopkins responded with an affirmative silence." "Hopkins raised his glass in salute." etc. All the defamatory confirmation is in "Vidor's" own head! (Kirkpatrick doesn't even have "Hopkins" nodding in agreement.) Assuming Kirkpatrick has accurately portrayed this meeting between Hopkins and Vidor, it would appear Vidor is a true psychic--someone who can distinguish between an affirmative silence, a negative silence, and a noncommittal silence. That chapter's conclusions defy credulity. (In 1922, would someone use a black servant like Peavey--who was 40 years old and very big--to solicit young boys?) To brand Taylor as a molester of young boys on such flimsy and unsubstantiated theorizing is totally at odds with Taylor's character as revealed in the material published prior to his death, and with the published statements (and not silences) of those who knew him. When Mabel Normand was interviewed after Taylor's death, she recalled her last meeting with Taylor and said Taylor told her he would stand by Peavey if he were innocent of any wrongdoing, but if Peavey were guilty he would have to fire him.[153] Mabel also reportedly stated, "I begged that Billy wouldn't fire him [Peavey] on a rumor which might be false."[154] There is no reason to believe that Peavey's acts which led to his arrest were done on behalf of Taylor, or that Taylor even condoned those acts. And exactly what is it that Peavey is supposed to have done? In the earlier chapters of A CAST OF KILLERS it is just referred to as a "morals charge" (p. 7, 139, 176), even when discussing the contents of the police file on the murder. Los Angeles newspaper reports are vague, "asserted acts of indecency several days ago in Westlake Park"[155] or "charged with being lewd and dissolute"[156] or "social vagrancy."[157] Does Vidor/Kirkpatrick really have any grounds for his statement later in the book that the allegation was "soliciting young boys"? In A DEED OF DEATH, Giroux says the allegation was indecent exposure.[158] If Giroux is correct, then the charge might have been based on nothing more substantial than Peavey urinating behind a bush in the park (perhaps Peavey had previously experienced unpleasant racial confrontations in public restrooms), and a white policeman's desire to rid the park of "undesirable" individuals. #147. (251) All of the legal material involving Charlotte Shelby was not filed under the name "Lily Pearl Miles." Most legal documents are under the name "Pearl Miles Reilly." Even her death certificate reads "Pearl Miles Reilly AKA Charlotte Shelby." #148. (251) Press evidence indicates the first Minter-Shelby lawsuit over the money earned by Mary was filed in 1925 and not three months after the murder.[159] #149. (252) It is stated that beginning in 1922, Leslie Henry had, at Shelby's instructions, transferred sums from Minter's account to Shelby. But in Leslie Henry's testimony he stated that at that time he had no account whatsoever for Minter. Shelby herself testified that she had set up a small personal checking account for Minter, but everything else (cash, stocks and bonds) had been deposited in Shelby's own accounts: "I was not concerned about what belonged to me and what belonged to Mary."[160] #150. (252) The book claims Les Henry stated that all his improper financial transactions were done with Shelby's knowledge and consent, but press evidence (including the letter from him reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 41) indicates Les Henry fully admitted to stealing the Shelby money.[161] He eventually pleaded guilty to ten felony counts of grand theft and forgery, admitting to robbing Shelby's account of over $40,000.[162] #151. (253) It is stated that Leslie Henry began working for Shelby in 1918. But in his testimony he stated he first did business with her in 1920.[163] #152. (255) It is stated that Shelby "paid off" Asa Keyes to avoid prosecution. But that makes no sense. The testimoney of Leslie Henry indicated that Shelby was very much afraid of being prosecuted by Keyes. (See TAYLOROLOGY 5 and 35.) Shelby fled to Europe in 1926 and remained there for over three years, not returning until Keyes was out of office and safely behind bars himself. Leslie Henry's testimony in TAYLOROLOGY 5 and 35 does not give any indication of a Keyes payoff; the opposite is implied-- that Shelby had had no previous dealings whatsoever with Keyes and she fled the country to escape his reach. #153. (255) As stated earlier on p. 131, Mary's Paramount contract terminated in 1923, not 1922. #154. (255) Mary did not move to New York until August 1924.[164] When her grandmother became ill in April 1925, she returned to Los Angeles and lived in Casa Margarita with the family for several months before returning to New York again.[165] #155. (255) Regarding the lawsuit between Minter and Shelby, the book states that case had gone to trial and the judge was ready to hand down his decision when Minter and Shelby settled out of court, with Minter only receiving $25,000. But press reports indicated that the case had not gone to trial, and that Minter and Shelby were both in Paris when they reconciled and settled out of court on January 24, 1927. Minter received $150,000 in bonds plus ownership of Casa Margarita.[166] Press reports also indicated that a $100,000 trust fund had previously been set up for Minter, on July 22, 1924.[167] #156. (257) Press evidence indicates Mary did not arrive in Los Angeles three hours after Julia Miles had died; Mary was making preparations to leave for Los Angeles when word of her grandmother's death came. Shelby ordered a quick funeral, and Mary was not even present for the funeral.[168] #157. (257-8) It is stated that after Margaret made inflammatory statements in the 1937 Fillmore vs. Shelby lawsuit, the trial concluded with the judge ordering Margaret to appear before district attorney Buron Fitts to answer any questions he might have about the Taylor murder. We have not seen the judge's order, so we cannot be certain that this statement is incorrect. However, the verdict in that trial was given on September 23, 1937. A CAST OF KILLERS is clearly implying that the judge's order for Margaret to appear before Fitts was responsible for the 1937 flare-up of the case. On the contrary, Margaret made her statement before Fitts four months earlier, on May 5, 1937, and appeared before the grand jury on May 6, 1937. Both events took place three months before the Fillmore vs. Shelby trial even began, on August 13, 1937. The 1937 grand jury investigation into the Taylor murder was initiated at the request of Charlotte Shelby. Yes, AT THE REQUEST OF CHARLOTTE SHELBY! It was her request that began the whole 1937 investigation into the case (see TAYLOROLOGY 22), not the order of a judge. #158. (258) Casa de Margarita was not sold by Shelby in 1926. It was part of the Paris settlement with Mary. On January 24, 1927, an agreement was signed whereby Mary received $150,000 in bonds plus ownership of Casa de Margarita in settlement of all claims against her mother.[169] The mansion was sold by the bank to collect unpaid mortgage payments in 1932.[170] #159. (258) Charlotte Shelby did not sail to Europe prior to Margaret Shelby's marriage to Hugh Fillmore. The marriage took place a year before Shelby sailed for Europe. #160. (258) Margaret Shelby and Hugh Fillmore were married in Casa Margarita on May 26, 1925, not in 1926.[171] #161. (258) Charlotte Shelby was present at the wedding of Margaret Shelby and Hugh Fillmore. The L.A. TIMES even published a photo of the wedding party, with Charlotte standing next to the bride and groom.[172] Also attending the wedding were Mr. and Mrs. Leslie Henry. Margaret was not "cut off financially" at the time of her marriage. #162. (258-9) The marriage of Margaret Shelby Fillmore and Emmett J. Flynn was not motive for murder. Contrary to what is stated in A CAST OF KILLERS, this is the true sequence of events: Margaret is committed to a mental hospital by Charlotte Shelby on August 5, 1936, primarily because of Margaret's erratic behavior due to alcoholism[173] and because Shelby felt Margaret was too unstable to testify in the lawsuit against the brokerage firm.[174] After her release, Margaret sues Shelby in October 1936, and is estranged from her for the remainder of her life. Margaret and Flynn are married in March 1937; a few days after the marriage both are arrested on charges of public intoxication.[175] In April 1937 the marriage is annulled-- not because of anything Shelby does, but because Flynn is already married.[176] The Margaret/Flynn marriage has no effect on the estranged relationship between Margaret and Shelby. #163. (266) There was no "secret conversation" between Taylor and Kirkwood a few days before the murder. Kirkwood was not in America at that time.[177] #164. (267) The book contends that Mary Miles Minter was in Taylor's bungalow during Mabel Normand's last visit. Not likely. In 1930 Peavey expressed his belief to reporters that Mabel killed Taylor. Peavey expressed the same opinion in 1922, shortly after the murder, during his abduction by Hearst reporters.[178] Peavey had good reasons, from his perspective, to believe Mabel Normand was guilty.[179] His 1930 statement was essentially an unburdening of his conscience. If Mary were still in the bungalow when Peavey left, it is inconceivable that Peavey would not have mentioned it in 1930 or that he would have been so certain about Mabel Normand's guilt. In Peavey's official statement made in 1922, he stated that he was aware of only one visit by Mary to Taylor's home, and that visit took place shortly after he first began working for Taylor (in August 1921).[180] In 1930, Peavey declared that he had been ordered to keep quiet about the argument he witnessed between Mabel and Taylor during Mabel's last visit. If Peavey had also been ordered to keep quiet about Mary's presence in the bungalow, surely he would have said so at this time. It also is inconceivable that Mary could have been in the bungalow without Peavey knowing about it. During Mabel's visit Taylor asked her out for dinner--she declined. In her official statement she said: "Mr. Taylor asked me if I had had dinner. I told him I had not and he said, 'Oh, then please let me take you out to dinner.'"[181] Would Taylor have asked Mabel out to dinner if Mary were waiting upstairs? Not likely. #165. (267) On June 13, 1941, Detective Lieutenant Leroy Sanderson wrote a lengthy letter summarizing the evidence in the Taylor case, and in particular the case against Charlotte Shelby. The letter was reprinted in WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 315-330. There are some major differences between Margaret Shelby's 1937 testimony summarized there, and the testimony of Margaret Shelby reportedly related by Sanderson to Vidor in A CAST OF KILLERS. At the time the 1941 letter was written, Margaret Shelby was already dead, so she did not make any further testimony after Sanderson's letter was written. This the relevant portion of the Sanderson letter: ...A detailed written statement was taken from Mrs. Margaret Fillmore, May 5, 1937. In this statement Margaret disclosed that what she had said in her previous statements of March 10, 1926 and March 13, 1926 was not true. That she had only tried to cover up for her mother regarding the Taylor murder. She stated in substance, that on the night of February 1, 1922, Mary had been locked in her room by her mother, because Mrs. Shelby feared that Mary was going to run away with Taylor. That Mary left the house early in the evening, exact time unknown, and returned about 8:30 p.m. That she was nervous and upset and was crying. That later on that evening, although Mary and she were very bad friends, Mary came to her room and asked to remain there, stating that she was lonesome and didn't wish to be alone. She stated that when Mrs. Shelby arrived at the Hobart house, early in the morning, she walked into Mary's bedroom and told her that Miss Berger had phoned her that morning and said that Taylor was dead. She stated that later Mary told her that she was sure her mother either killed Taylor or was present when he was killed. She also stated that during August of 1922, Mrs. Julia Miles carried the gun used in the Taylor murder, to her plantation near Vastron, Louisiana and threw it into a bayou. She stated that a Doctor and Pauline Johnson resided on a plantation just across the bayou from Mrs. Miles' place. That Doctor Johnson was a well known dentist in Vastron and probably knew about Mrs. Miles throwing the gun into the bayou. Margaret stated, both verbally and in her last written statement, that Mrs. Shelby had made many conflicting statements as to her whereabout and actions on the night of February 1, 1922. She stated that Mrs. Shelby had told her family she had hired a private taxi about 6 p.m. February 1, 1922 and had been driven to a Swedish Eucalyptus Bath House, north of Hollywood Boulevard. She also stated that she had questioned the Doctor, who operated the Bath House, and after searching his records he informed Margaret that Mrs. Shelby had not been there that night. Mrs. Shelby also stated that about 7 p.m., February 1, 1922, Carl Stockdale had called on her, at 701 New Hampshire, and they had sandwiches and milk together. He remained there until about 9 p.m. Margaret stated that her mother was in constant fear for several years after the Taylor murder, that Mary would talk too much and would involve her in the murder. That she was very much afraid of District Attorney Asa Keyes...[182] In the above summary, nothing is said about Shelby taking the pistol with her on the night of the murder. It is unbelievable that Sanderson would have omitted mentioning that incident, if Margaret had indeed made such a statement. #166. (267) In Sanderson's letter nothing is said about Minter giving details on the night of the murder to Margaret about Taylor's death, nothing about Minter telling Margaret that she (Minter) had been upstairs during Mabel Normand's visit, or about Minter telling Margaret that she (Minter) had personally witnessed Shelby shooting Taylor. If these statements had been truly made by Margaret, surely Sanderson would have mentioned them in his letter. Instead, he writes that Margaret "stated that later [after the morning of February 2] Mary told her that she was sure her mother either killed Taylor or was present when he was killed." The phrase "or was present when he was killed" clearly contradicts what is attributed to Margaret in A CAST OF KILLERS, with Minter supposedly suggesting that someone else may have assisted Shelby and killed Taylor on behalf of Shelby, in Shelby's presence. In addition, Sanderson's letter theorizes that perhaps either James Kirkwood or Carl Stockdale killed Taylor on behalf of Shelby--further indication that Sanderson had NEVER heard Margaret supposedly state that Minter told Margaret that she (Minter) had personally witnessed Shelby shooting Taylor. (Sanderson was obviously also unaware that Kirkwood was out of the country at the time of the murder.) #167. (267) The timetable of Margaret's statement in the Sanderson letter explicitly contradicts the timetable supposedly related by Margaret in A CAST OF KILLERS. In the Sanderson letter, Margaret stated that "Shelby had told her family she had hired a private taxi about 6 p.m."--indicating that Shelby was not at the Hobart house past that time (since Shelby was explaining where she had been during that time). Then the Sanderson letter has Margaret stating that Mary "returned about 8:30 p.m." So in the Sanderson letter, Margaret's testimony indicated there was a minimum of two and one-half hours between the time Shelby left and the time Minter returned. But A CAST OF KILLERS has Margaret stating that Mary returned only one hour after Shelby left, a clear contradiction. #168. (268) A CAST OF KILLERS states that "The woman dressed like a man that Faith MacLean saw was Charlotte Shelby, dressed in a long coat." That statement defies credulity. In her statement to the District Attorney, Faith MacLean stated that the person she saw was about five feet nine and believed he wore a dark suit. "He was not a well-dressed man. He was dressed like my idea of a motion picture burglar."[183] Charlotte Shelby was several inches shorter and was always well-dressed. A woman, dressed in a woman's long coat, seen from a distance of about 20 feet, could not possibly look like a man dressed in a dark suit. Also, a "motion picture burglar" would not have worn a long coat. Some writers (St. Johns, Ed King) have expressed the opinion that Shelby committed the murder dressed like a man. But A CAST OF KILLERS seems to express the opinion that Shelby committed the murder dressed like a woman but was mistaken for a man! #169. (282) The book contends that Mary knew her mother killed Taylor. Really? Consider: Mary's infatuation/love for Taylor stayed with her for the remainder of her life. A few years before her death she stated, "I worshipped him in life...I worship him today."[184] Between 1923-1926, there was a fierce public battle waged between Mary and her mother regarding the money Mary had earned as a film star. Yet in 1927, there was a settlement between Mary and Shelby, and a true reconciliation. During the 1937 Grand Jury investigation, and in interviews given later, Mary defended her mother: "...mother knew nothing of it [the murder]"[185]; and "She [Adela Rogers St. Johns] has pilloried a very good woman [Charlotte Shelby], a very innocent woman, who was not particularly well-liked, straight as a die, who had not the slightest occasion to be killing Mr. Taylor."[186] It is unbelievable that Mary would have reconciled with Shelby and defended her so strongly if Mary thought Shelby were guilty of killing the love of her life. #170. (285) Charlotte Shelby's death certificate clearly lists the primary cause of death as cerebral thrombosis. #171. (286) Margaret Shelby Fillmore's death certificate, #39-074319, is on file under her legal name of Alma Margaret Fillmore, with the causes of death listed as alcoholic congestion, acute cardiac dilitation, and postal cirrhosis. #172. (287) Peavey's last statements to the press did not claim that an actress and her mother killed Taylor--only an actress. From the context, the actress Peavey suspected is clearly Mabel Normand.[187] #173. (287) Peavey died in 1931, not 1937: Confirming the fact of Peavey's death, a telegram was received late yesterday from J. M. Scandland, superintendent of the Napa State Hospital, in which it was declared that the valet, suffering from general paresis, was admitted to the hospital in 1930 and died on December 27, 1931.[188] #174. (188) It is stated that for many years THE HONEYCOMB "contained the only no-holds-barred account of the Taylor slaying." By what criteria? The Taylor case recap in THE HONEYCOMB is very short and superficial--St. Johns even mixes up Sands and Peavey. THE HONEYCOMB certainly did not agree with A CAST OF KILLERS' views on Taylor's purported homosexuality; according to THE HONEYCOMB Taylor was "debauching" Minter and carrying on a scandalous affair with her. Nor was St. Johns the first writer to indicate that Charlotte Shelby was the killer; Ed King reached the same conclusion in his 1930 article (reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 50), which was far more substantial than St. Johns' recap of the case written four decades later. Some other writers had also indicated Shelby was a prime suspect--for example, William H. A. Carr, in HOLLYWOOD TRAGEDY, 1962, which even mentioned Minter's abortion from her affair with Kirkwood. In our opinion, the most useful account of the Taylor slaying written prior to the 1980's was in KING OF COMEDY, due to the quantity of verbatim official testimony it contained from the files of the District Attorney. In fact, more verbatim official testimony appears in KING OF COMEDY than in A CAST OF KILLERS. #175. (297) It is stated that the 1941 Sanderson letter "indisputably supports all of Mr. Vidor's findings in connection with his examination of L.A.P.D. files." However, reportedly (pp. 184-5) the police file indicated that Taylor consistently refused Minter's advances. Contrarily, the Sanderson letter states "Mrs. Shelby...had threatened several times to kill Taylor, because she had a full knowledge of the affair that existed between him and Mary", indicating that there was indeed a sexual relationship between Taylor and Minter. We are not arguing that Taylor actually had a sexual relationship with Minter--on this particular subject we feel that Taylor probably did not have a sexual relationship with Minter. Our point though, is that Sanderson's letter does not "indisputably support" this finding. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Thus concludes our listing of 175 errors, contradictions, and illogical statements in A CAST OF KILLERS. The sum total of the above list establishes the book's lack of historical value. Shelby may have indeed killed Taylor, or had him killed, but convincing proof has not yet been presented. She certainly feared prosecution and conviction for the Taylor murder (the same was undoubtedly true of Sands), but that does not prove her guilt. If a defender of A CAST OF KILLERS wishes to issue a scholarly point- by-point rebuttal of items in the above list, citing sources, we will be glad to offer "equal time" and present that rebuttal in a future issue of TAYLOROLOGY. A CAST OF KILLERS also reports some testimony attributed to Leslie Henry which we have never seen and remain skeptical unless we see verification: (1) Did Leslie Henry, who had a wife and daughter, really testify to being physically intimate with Shelby? (2) Did Leslie Henry really testify that Shelby stated that Asa Keyes would require more money than Woolwine? * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Anyone who delves deeply into the Taylor case soon forms opinions about the probability of rumored incidents, the characters of the people involved, and their relationships with each other. The following are some opinions we have formed which are contrary to A CAST OF KILLERS: Based on the statements made by Neva Gerber and Taylor's associates, we feel confident that Neva Gerber and Taylor had a genuine romantic relationship which lasted from 1914 to 1919. It was not just "studio publicity"--in fact, we have never seen ANY "studio publicity" which linked them together. Based on the statements made by Taylor's associates, and the photo of Mabel Normand which Taylor carried with him in a small frame engraved "to my dearest," we feel confident that Taylor had a genuine romantic relationship with Mabel Normand, and that Taylor's feelings for Mabel were probably stronger than Mabel's feelings for him. Based on the fact that Taylor had given Minter a photograph which he autographed "Yours now and forever," we feel that Taylor probably had romantic feelings for Minter, at least during 1919-1920.[189] Based on the interviews we have read with Mary Miles Minter, her reported reaction on the day after the murder, and the statements made by those associated with her, we do not believe that Minter was in Taylor's home during Mabel Normand's last visit, or that Minter had any knowledge of Taylor's death before the morning of February 2, 1922. Based on the sum total of everything we have read about Taylor, and the statements made by his associates, we do not believe that Taylor was a child molester. Despite our criticism of A CAST OF KILLERS we do appreciate its publication, because it brought the William Desmond Taylor case to many new readers. If it had not been written, A DEED OF DEATH, WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, and electronic TAYLOROLOGY itself, all might never have been published. For taking that first step, A CAST OF KILLERS receives our thanks. ***************************************************************************** NOTES: [1] See Mack Sennett and Cameron Shipp, KING OF COMEDY (Doubleday, 1954). [2] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 24, 1922). [3] See SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 6, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 62. [4] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 4, 1937). [5] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 8, 1922). [6] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 17, 1922). Also see LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922). [7] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 7, 1922). [8] See TAYLOROLOGY 19. [9] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 58. [10] See NEW YORK HERALD (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 45. [11] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922), NEW YORK HERALD (February 6, 1922) and NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 14, 1922). [12] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 216. [13] One of the coded letters from Minter to Taylor can be seen at http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MMMCodeLetter.pdf [14] See, for example, LOS ANGELES HERALD (August 14, 1923). Also see LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 3, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 60: "...here I was home, reading a book--enjoying it so much--and he was lying there in his apartment, stone dead." "Here" refers to the home on Hobart; note the reference in the interview to the "quaint adobe home". Also see TAYLOROLOGY 6 and 35. [15] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (October 4, 1922). [16] For some rumors on Dixon see TAYLOROLOGY 7. [17] SANTA ANA REGISTER (March 18, 1922). Other articles gave the suspect's name as Walter Kirby. [18] See SACRAMENTO BEE (March 18, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 3, 1922) and TAYLOROLOGY 50. [19] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (January 6, 1930) and TAYLOROLOGY 50. [20] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 11, 1937). [21] LOS ANGELES HERALD (January 14, 1930). [22] LOS ANGELES NEWS (February 24, 1930). [23] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 6, 1922). [24] See PANTOMIME (March 18, 1922) and NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (February 12, 1922). [25] A copy of Taylor's birth certificate (William Cunningham Deane Tanner) is at http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/birth.pdf. [26] See A DEED OF DEATH, p. 52. [27] See A DEED OF DEATH, p. 148. [28] NEW YORK DAILY NEWS (February 6, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 45. [29] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 17, 1922). [30] SANTA BARBARA PRESS (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 29. [31] NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 13, 1922). He had been given the nickname "Pete" by friends in New York. His movements were so calculating and deliberate that they sarcastically called him "P.D.Q." which was shortened to "Petey" and then "Pete." See WASHINGTON TIMES (February 14, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 45. [32] NEW YORK HERALD (February 6, 1922). [33] NEW YORK HERALD (February 5, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 19 and 62. [34] DENVER POST (March 3, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 19. [35] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 42. [36] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 62. [37] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 41-42. [38] See NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 13, 1922). [39] See Kevin Brownlow, HOLLYWOOD: THE PIONEERS (Knopf, 1979), p. 111. [40] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922). [41] See Douglas Whitton, "Mystery Woman Director," CLASSIC IMAGES (July 1985). [42] See TAYLOROLOGY 40. [43] See TAYLOROLOGY 40. [44] LOS ANGELES TIMES (June 4, 1918). [45] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 4, 1922). [46] See SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE (February 7, 1922). [47] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 92-104. [48] LOS ANGELES HERALD (December 18, 1919). [49] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922), reprinted in WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 95. [50] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 2, 1922) and LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922). [51] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 291. [52] See TAYLOROLOGY 20. [53] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 5, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57. [54] LOS ANGELES TIMES (March 5, 1922). [55] NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (January 22, 1922). [56] NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (February 5, 1922). [57] See Edward Wagenknecht, THE MOVIES IN THE AGE OF INNOCENCE (Ballantine, 1971), p. 229. [58] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922). [59] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 243. [60] See Sidney Sutherland, "Mabel Normand--Comedienne and Madcap," LIBERTY (September 27, 1930), reprinted at http://www.mdle.com/ClassicFilms/FeaturedStar/mabel4.htm. [61] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922). [62] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 4, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 61. [63] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922). [64] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 14, 1922). [65] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922). [66] See TAYLOROLOGY 21. [67] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 7, 1922) [68] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 241-259. [69] See TAYLOROLOGY 58. [70] See Betty Fussell, MABEL (Ticknor & Fields, 1982), p. 179, and MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS. [71] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 222. [72] See LOS ANGELES HERALD (January 9, 1922), reprinted in MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS, p. 133. [73] HOLLYWOOD: THE YEARS OF INNOCENCE (Abbeville, 1985), p. 94. [74] See clippings in MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS, pp. 264-5. [75] LOS ANGELES DAILY NEWS, February 25, 1930, reprinted in MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS. [76] KING OF COMEDY, p. 244. [77] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 62. [78] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922). [79] See TAYLOROLOGY 50. [80] SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 4, 1922). [81] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 3, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 56. [82] CLASSIC IMAGES No. 70. Also see ROSCOE "FATTY" ARBUCKLE: A BIOGRAPHY OF THE SILENT FILM COMEDIAN by Stuart Oderman (McFarland, 1994); and MABEL, pp. 80-81. [83] See TAYLOROLOGY 8. [84] See TAYLOROLOGY 30. [85] See THE HONEYCOMB, p. 106. [86] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 4, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 60; and LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57 and 61. [87] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57. [88] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 4, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 60 [89] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57. [90] LOS ANGELES HERALD (August 14, 1923). [91] SHREVEPORT TIMES (May 23, 1902). Charlotte Shelby was Mrs. J. Homer Reilly, and Julia Miles was Charlotte Shelby's mother. [92] See NEW YORK CLIPPER (September 9, 1911). [93] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 22, 1937). [94] WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 62. [95] See TAYLOROLOGY 11. Minter was 17 in 1919. [96] See NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (November 16, 1919). [97] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (April 27, 1921) and LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 24, 1921). [98] See TAYLOROLOGY 35. [99] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922). [100] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (January 30, 1925). [101] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (December 9, 1922). [102] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 329. [103] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (October 13, 14 and 17, 1921). [104] A copy of the genuine letter can be seen at http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MMMLoveLetter.pdf. See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 7, 1922), SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 8, 1922), AMERICAN WEEKLY (February 25, 1940) or CLASSIC IMAGES (Winter 1977) for other photos of this letter. [105] See http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MMMPhoto.pdf for a copy of the Minter photo autographed to Taylor. Note that the signature is the same as in the above letter. This photo originally appeared in the LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 4, 1937). [106] A genuine photograph of Faith MacLean can be seen at http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MacLeans.pdf. Another photo of her can be seen in MOVIE WEEKLY (February 14, 1925). [107] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (April 27, 1921) and LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 24, 1921). [108] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 17, 1922). [109] For a genuine photo of Sands, see A DEED OF DEATH, p. 126, and Capt. Jesse Winn, "Who Killed William Desmond Taylor?" in FRONT PAGE DETECTIVE (June 1937), p. 81. [110] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 2, 1922) [111] LOS ANGELES TIMES, February 3, 1922 [112] KING OF COMEDY, pp. 234-5. [113] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 3, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 3, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922), LOS ANGELES HERALD (February 9, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 12, 1922) and KING OF COMEDY, p. 226. [114] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922). [115] KING OF COMEDY, p. 235. [116] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 12, 1922). [117] See BART: MEMOIRS OF FRANK H. BARTHOLOMEW (Vine Press, 1983), p. 26. [118] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 10, 1922). [119] A DEED OF DEATH, p. 246. [120] See DENVER POST (February 26, 1922). [121] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (August 15, 1923), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 11. [122] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 228. [123] See Charles Higham, CELEBRITY CIRCUS (Delacorte, 1979) p. 113. [124] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 2, 1922). [125] See TAYLOROLOGY 14. [126] See TAYLOROLOGY 50. [127] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 6, 1922). [128] See NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 13, 1922). [129] See TAYLOROLOGY 58. [130] CHICAGO HERALD-EXAMINER (February 8, 1922). [131] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 3, 1937). [132] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (February 2, 1937) for comparison of the handwriting. [133] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 331. [134] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 17, 1922). [135] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922). [136] See TAYLOROLOGY 50. [137] Ed King, "I Know Who Killed Desmond Taylor", TRUE DETECTIVE MYSTERIES (October 1930), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 50. Also LOS ANGELES NEWS (September 9, 1937) for the testimony of Jesse Winn. [138] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 24, 1929). [139] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 24, 1929). [140] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 12, 1922). [141] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (March 31, 1926). [142] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (March 6, 1922). [143] See BOSTON HERALD (March 8, 1922). [144] See TAYLOROLOGY 50. [145] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 244. [146] LIBERTY (September 27, 1930). [147] DENVER POST (February 9, 1922). [148] SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 6, 1922). [149] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 235. [150] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 22, 1929). [151] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 24, 1929). [152] LOS ANGELES RECORD (March 30, 1926). [153] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 2, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 56. [154] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 6, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 64. [155] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 3, 1922). [156] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 3, 1922). [157] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 3, 1922). [158] See A DEED OF DEATH, p. 28. [159] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (January 30, 1925). [160] See TAYLOROLOGY 35. [161] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (December 23, 1932), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 41. Also see LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 22, 1936). [162] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 11, 1933). [163] See TAYLOROLOGY 35. [164] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (August 4, 1924). [165] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 25, 1925). [166] See TAYLOROLOGY 35 and See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 29, 1936). [167] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (October 11, 1956). [168] See PHOTOPLAY (February 1926) and LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1927). [169] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 29, 1936). [170] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (December 28, 1932). [171] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 27, 1925). [172] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 27, 1925). [173] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (September 1 and 4, 1937). [174] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (May 6, 1937), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 12. [175] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (March 20, 1937). [176] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (April 26, 1937). [177] See TAYLOROLOGY 20. [178] See SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 21, 1922) and note 39 to TAYLOROLOGY 50. [179] See TAYLOROLOGY 6. [180] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 228. [181] KING OF COMEDY, p. 244. [182] WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 324-325. [183] KING OF COMEDY, p. 236. [184] MABEL, p. 177. [185] LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (May 6, 1937), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 12. [186] CELEBRITY CIRCUS, p. 111. [187] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (January 7, 1930) and note 39 to TAYLOROLOGY 50. [188] LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 11, 1937). [189] For an excellent reproduction of the photo autographed from Taylor to Minter, see TRUE CRIME: UNSOLVED CRIMES (Time-Life Books, 1993), p. 143. ***************************************************************************** ***************************************************************************** Back issues of Taylorology are available on the Web at any of the following: http://www.angelfire.com/az/Taylorology/ http://www.etext.org/Zines/ASCII/Taylorology/ http://www.silent-movies.com/Taylorology/ Full text searches of back issues can be done at http://www.etext.org/Zines/ or at http://www.silent-movies.com/search.html. For more information about Taylor, see WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER (Scarecrow Press, 1991) *****************************************************************************